Difference between revisions of "Reclaiming Street Space: Cooperation for Neighbourhood Transformation"

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This scenario has been developed on the basis of a real-world case: [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona]]
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This scenario has been developed on the basis of a [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona|real world case]].
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[[File:Superblock picture.jpg | 500px]]
  
  
'''Imagine your city's streets not being dominated by cars but by people. Streets are a place of social gatherings, a place where children play and neighbours meet, a place of interaction, where they are urban hotspots!'''
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'''Imagine your city's streets not being dominated by cars but by people. Streets are a place of social gatherings, a place where children play and neighbours meet, a place of interaction; they are urban hotspots!'''
  
How can we get there?
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'''How can we get there?'''
  
Reaching this reality would mean to largely rethink our transport and mobility system (Q3). In many places, cars are the dominating mode of transport, which is leading to air and noise pollution, accelerating climate change and making urban life less healthy. Combatting these issues is also a matter of justice as poorer people are generally more affected by environmental degradation, pollution and the effects of climate change. Additionally, streets right now mainly serve as transport routes, but have lost social functions that they have once had (Q9).. Giving streets their old functions back also means targeting injustices created by urban intensification and the unjust effects of a weak civil society such as the exclusion of marginalized groups in urban governance.
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Reaching this reality would mean largely rethinking our transport and mobility system. In many places, cars are the dominant mode of transport, which leads to air and noise pollution, accelerates climate change, and makes urban life less healthy. Combatting these issues is also a matter of justice as poorer people are generally more affected by environmental degradation, pollution, and the effects of climate change. Additionally, streets right now mainly serve as transport routes, but have lost social functions that they once had [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#9. Problematization and priority:|(Q9)]]. Giving streets their old functions back also means targeting injustices created by urban intensification and the unjust effects of a weakened civil society, such as the exclusion of marginalized groups in urban governance.
  
How could a municipality address these problems?. Who would municipal actors need to work with, who would they have to include?
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'''How could a municipality address these problems? Who would municipal actors need to work with, who would they have to include?'''
  
It seems like a complete overhaul of such a deep-rooted problem would necessitate working together with all kinds of local stakeholders be it local businesses, NGOs or academia (Q12) but especially crucial seems to have local residents on board (Q13) . Such a city-wide transformation would also have to adapt to local particularities. Formalised local working groups that regularly meet and are responsible for designing the process in each neighbourhood could give citizens responsibility and power over their neighbourhood while also including a variety of other actors that want to participate (Q13, Q15). For this to work, it is necessary that municipalities safeguard their power to govern their local transport system (Q19). Additionally, connecting the process to other local level sustainable development policies and agreements in different sectors can give the project legitimacy and help develop holistic visions for comprehensive change (Q18). The better integrated specific solutions are into bigger developments of change, the easier it is to believe in grand opportunities of change and the power of a shared vision! (Q19) If this happens, sustainable developments may be achievable even with comparatively little extra spending (Q21).
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A complete overhaul of such a deep-rooted problem would necessitate working together with all kinds of local stakeholders, be it local businesses, NGOs, and academia [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#12. Who else is (going to be) involved in the intervention, and what was/is their main role?|(Q12)]], but especially crucial seems to have local residents on board [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#13. Which particular interactions among various stakeholders (stakeholder configurations) were crucial in enabling the intervention to emerge successfully? This could include direct or indirect impacts on interventions.|(Q13)]]. Such a city-wide transformation would also have to adapt to local particularities. Formalized local working groups that regularly meet and are responsible for designing the process in each neighbourhood could give citizens responsibility and power over their neighbourhood while also including a variety of other actors that want to participate [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#13. Which particular interactions among various stakeholders (stakeholder configurations) were crucial in enabling the intervention to emerge successfully? This could include direct or indirect impacts on interventions.|(Q13 & Q15)]]. For this to work, it is necessary that municipalities safeguard their power to govern their local transport system [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#19. What constitutional responsibilities and rules does the intervention build upon? In other words, what rights, powers, and/or responsibilities, does the country's constitution (in a broad sense) award municipalities, states, utilities, NGOs, citizens etc. and how does this impact the intervention?|(Q19)]]. Additionally, connecting the process to other local level sustainable development policies and agreements in different sectors can give the project legitimacy and help develop holistic visions for comprehensive change [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#18. Are particular substantive (multi-level) governmental policies considered to be highly influential in the genesis and shaping of the intervention? (If easily possible, please specify the policy, the policy field and the governance level mainly addressed, and characterize it along Appendix 2: Policy typology)|(Q18)]]. The better integrated specific solutions are into bigger developments of change, the easier it is to believe in grand opportunities of change and the power of a shared vision! [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#19. What constitutional responsibilities and rules does the intervention build upon? In other words, what rights, powers, and/or responsibilities, does the country's constitution (in a broad sense) award municipalities, states, utilities, NGOs, citizens etc. and how does this impact the intervention?|(Q19)]] If this happens, sustainable developments may be achievable even with comparatively little extra spending [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#21. What are financial arrangements that support the intervention?|(Q21)]].
  
In what ways can municipalities deal with and learn from potential local resistance?
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'''In what ways can municipalities deal with and learn from potential local resistance?'''
  
As this process hinges upon working together with citizens, it is crucial that citizens feel they are an integral part of it. Still, municipality-led processes might encounter local resistance, potentially because residents do not believe in the effectiveness of the process and its ability to change the current situation or because they fear potential negative consequences (Q23). For example, some may question whether public transport can provide enough capacity to cushion the reduction of private car usage or worry that commuting to work would take too long (Q23). To address such concerns, it may be important to tackle the substance of such problems, but it could also be important to change the process, especially how participation is organised  (Q24).
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As this process hinges upon working together with citizens, it is crucial that citizens feel they are an integral part of it. Still, municipality-led processes might encounter local resistance, potentially because residents do not believe in the effectiveness of the process and its ability to change the current situation or because they fear potential negative consequences [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#23. What obstacles to implementing the intervention (both generally, and in this particular context) have been identified, relating to:|(Q23)]]. For example, some may question whether public transport can provide enough capacity to cushion the reduction of private car usage or worry that commuting to work would take too long [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#23. What obstacles to implementing the intervention (both generally, and in this particular context) have been identified, relating to:|(Q23)]]. To address such concerns, it may be important to tackle the substance of the problems, but it could also be important to change the process, especially how participation is organized [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#24. What has been done by each central actor group to overcome which particular obstacles in the way of successfully implementing the intervention? (this may include institutional Work - maintaining, disrupting, and creating new rules, applying to both formal laws/regulations and informal norms and expectations.)|(Q24)]].
  
Why should municipalities look at similar projects in the past to ensure more just participation in the future?
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'''Why should municipalities look at similar projects in the past to ensure more just participation in the future?'''
  
Looking at learning outcomes from past projects in your own city can further help the process in overcoming obstacles. This might mean that experiences from past policies in similar sectors, for example making streets more pedestrian-friendly can prove vital here (Q27). It might even be the case that resistance in the past against other municipality-led projects have voiced the same concerns. This might help in finding solutions for overcoming those obstacles as well as encouraging project proponents to not give up if things do not go as originally planned (Q27). In the end, this general flexibility in how the project has to develop could lead to improved methods of communication and participation in the future (Q28).
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Looking at learning outcomes from past projects in your own city can further help the process in overcoming obstacles. This might mean that experiences from past policies in similar sectors, for example making streets more pedestrian-friendly, can prove vital here [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#27. Has any acquired knowledge (e.g. technical knowledge, awareness of local political procedures etc.) been reported as particularly helpful to this intervention?|(Q27)]]. It might even be the case that resistance in the past against other municipality-led projects have voiced the same concerns. This might help in finding solutions for overcoming those obstacles as well as encouraging project proponents to not give up if things do not go as originally planned [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#27. Has any acquired knowledge (e.g. technical knowledge, awareness of local political procedures etc.) been reported as particularly helpful to this intervention?|(Q27)]]. In the end, more general flexibility in how the project develops could lead to improved methods of communication and participation in the future [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#28. In what ways has the intervention been adapted to specific circumstances of the targeted urban context based on the learned content reported in question 27?|(Q28)]].
Finally, communicating with media about ideas within the project can help pique the interest of other cities and spread knowledge to other urban areas (Q33).
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Finally, communicating with media about ideas within the project can help pique the interest of other cities and spread knowledge to other urban areas [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona#33. Have any signs of collaboration, support, or inspiration already been reported between actors involved in this intervention and others that follow its example? (e.g. in “follower cities”?)|(Q33)]].
  
 
'''How could this reality be created in your city? What obstacles would have to be overcome?'''
 
'''How could this reality be created in your city? What obstacles would have to be overcome?'''
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==Do you want to learn more about this scenario?==
 
==Do you want to learn more about this scenario?==
  
Take a look at the detailed description of [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona]] that has inspired this scenario.
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Take a look at the detailed description of [[Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona]] that has inspired this scenario.  
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The Superblocks Programme in Barcelona is a mobility concept that tries to restructure the city in 503 so-called Superblocks, lowering the amount of cars and returning public functions such as leisure and neighborhood activities to city streets.
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This scenario relates to some '''enabling governance arrangements''':
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*[[1) Create a comprehensive vision of change|Create a comprehensive vision of change]]: When creating and implementing so-called “Superblocks” in the city, Barcelona embedded them in multiple city-level policies creating synergies and giving the city a vision for comprehensive change, whereas Superblocks are one of the many means of reaching that change.
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*[[4) Commit to a meaningful participation process|Commit to a meaningful participation process]]: While establishing "Superblocks", the municipality of Barcelona developed a standard procedure for participation in each block. While the original participation process overlooked realities of citizens, over the course of the project, this procedure became increasingly open, putting responsibilities and decisions into the hand of formalised local working groups consisting of diverse local stakeholders.
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This scenario fits under the '''approaches''':
 
This scenario fits under the '''approaches''':
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*[[Uneven environmental health and pollution patterns]]  
 
*[[Uneven environmental health and pollution patterns]]  
 
*[[Weak(ened) civil society]]
 
*[[Weak(ened) civil society]]
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What do you think about this scenario? Was it helpful to you? Do you find our approach problematic? Send us an email to [[User:Philipp Spaeth|Philipp Spaeth]].

Latest revision as of 16:49, 18 February 2021

This scenario has been developed on the basis of a real world case.

Superblock picture.jpg


Imagine your city's streets not being dominated by cars but by people. Streets are a place of social gatherings, a place where children play and neighbours meet, a place of interaction; they are urban hotspots!

How can we get there?

Reaching this reality would mean largely rethinking our transport and mobility system. In many places, cars are the dominant mode of transport, which leads to air and noise pollution, accelerates climate change, and makes urban life less healthy. Combatting these issues is also a matter of justice as poorer people are generally more affected by environmental degradation, pollution, and the effects of climate change. Additionally, streets right now mainly serve as transport routes, but have lost social functions that they once had (Q9). Giving streets their old functions back also means targeting injustices created by urban intensification and the unjust effects of a weakened civil society, such as the exclusion of marginalized groups in urban governance.

How could a municipality address these problems? Who would municipal actors need to work with, who would they have to include?

A complete overhaul of such a deep-rooted problem would necessitate working together with all kinds of local stakeholders, be it local businesses, NGOs, and academia (Q12), but especially crucial seems to have local residents on board (Q13). Such a city-wide transformation would also have to adapt to local particularities. Formalized local working groups that regularly meet and are responsible for designing the process in each neighbourhood could give citizens responsibility and power over their neighbourhood while also including a variety of other actors that want to participate (Q13 & Q15). For this to work, it is necessary that municipalities safeguard their power to govern their local transport system (Q19). Additionally, connecting the process to other local level sustainable development policies and agreements in different sectors can give the project legitimacy and help develop holistic visions for comprehensive change (Q18). The better integrated specific solutions are into bigger developments of change, the easier it is to believe in grand opportunities of change and the power of a shared vision! (Q19) If this happens, sustainable developments may be achievable even with comparatively little extra spending (Q21).

In what ways can municipalities deal with and learn from potential local resistance?

As this process hinges upon working together with citizens, it is crucial that citizens feel they are an integral part of it. Still, municipality-led processes might encounter local resistance, potentially because residents do not believe in the effectiveness of the process and its ability to change the current situation or because they fear potential negative consequences (Q23). For example, some may question whether public transport can provide enough capacity to cushion the reduction of private car usage or worry that commuting to work would take too long (Q23). To address such concerns, it may be important to tackle the substance of the problems, but it could also be important to change the process, especially how participation is organized (Q24).

Why should municipalities look at similar projects in the past to ensure more just participation in the future?

Looking at learning outcomes from past projects in your own city can further help the process in overcoming obstacles. This might mean that experiences from past policies in similar sectors, for example making streets more pedestrian-friendly, can prove vital here (Q27). It might even be the case that resistance in the past against other municipality-led projects have voiced the same concerns. This might help in finding solutions for overcoming those obstacles as well as encouraging project proponents to not give up if things do not go as originally planned (Q27). In the end, more general flexibility in how the project develops could lead to improved methods of communication and participation in the future (Q28). Finally, communicating with media about ideas within the project can help pique the interest of other cities and spread knowledge to other urban areas (Q33).

How could this reality be created in your city? What obstacles would have to be overcome?


Do you want to learn more about this scenario?

Take a look at the detailed description of Dealing flexibly with and learning from resistance in Barcelona that has inspired this scenario. The Superblocks Programme in Barcelona is a mobility concept that tries to restructure the city in 503 so-called Superblocks, lowering the amount of cars and returning public functions such as leisure and neighborhood activities to city streets.

This scenario relates to some enabling governance arrangements:

  • Create a comprehensive vision of change: When creating and implementing so-called “Superblocks” in the city, Barcelona embedded them in multiple city-level policies creating synergies and giving the city a vision for comprehensive change, whereas Superblocks are one of the many means of reaching that change.
  • Commit to a meaningful participation process: While establishing "Superblocks", the municipality of Barcelona developed a standard procedure for participation in each block. While the original participation process overlooked realities of citizens, over the course of the project, this procedure became increasingly open, putting responsibilities and decisions into the hand of formalised local working groups consisting of diverse local stakeholders.


This scenario fits under the approaches:

It addresses some drivers of injustice:

What do you think about this scenario? Was it helpful to you? Do you find our approach problematic? Send us an email to Philipp Spaeth.