Difference between revisions of "Countering Gentrification: Community Based and Collaborative Methods"

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'''Imagine a city where residents of limited means could live in affordable social housing located in the city-center and peacefully enjoy their neighborhood for years to come.'''


This intervention may result from the collective engagement of citizens to resist the gentrification process that occurs in many city centers. Especially in a context of economic crisis, austerity measures are likely to include the sale of public real estate and the privatization of social housing. As a response, local residents directly affected by this process could be the initiators of a resistance to displacement. Such resistance may grow bigger and become more visible, eventually reaching to other actors including community organizations as well as local public authorities.  
This scenario has been developed on the basis of a [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome |real world case]].


In such an intervention, the role of public authorities is quite central because privatization in the housing sector is often closely related to governmental regulatory frameworks. Indeed, as national and local governments are running out of public money because of an economic crisis, they may have enforced a set of privatization policies in the sector of housing. Such policies lead to the eviction of working-class dwellers and eventually, could launch resistance against it.
[[File:romepicture.jpg|500px]]
 
But what could be done to counter this detrimental process? To resist against the privatization of social housing and evictions, citizens could voice their right to “stay put” and engage in different actions including occupying housing. Opening the dialogue between resistance fighters and public actors may be central to the success of the intervention. For this purpose, the creation of a citizen platform voicing the claim of citizens to the municipality may be quite a handy tool. Indeed, it could raise awareness among local authorities on the detrimental impacts of privatization policies, and possibly lead to the creation of a set of new policies, including re-housing or the regularization of informal housing.  
 
'''Imagine your city where residents of limited means could live in affordable social housing located in the city-center and peacefully enjoy their neighborhood for years to come.'''
 
'''How do we get there ?'''
 
This intervention may result from the collective engagement of citizens to resist the gentrification process that occurs in many city centers. Especially in a context of economic crisis, new urban development projects led by and attracting wealthy residents and businesses may be carried out at the expense of selling public real estate and privatizing social housing [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome#3. What is the intervention (i.e. situated experiment) aiming to achieve in terms of sustainability and justice? If possible, please copy from a project website and give a reference|(Q3)]]. Consequently, the social structure of the neighborhood is likely to change and cater toward more affluent people. As a response, (former) residents, especially from working-class or ethnic minority backgrounds, could initiate a resistance to displacement [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome#10. Who initiated the intervention?|(Q10)]]. Such resistance may grow and become more visible, eventually reaching other actors including community organizations and local public authorities [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome#12. Who else is (going to be) involved in the intervention, and what was/is their main role?|(Q12)]].
 
'''How do governments come (or not) into play in this struggle?'''
 
In such an intervention, the role of public authorities is quite central because privatization in the housing sector is often closely related to governmental regulatory frameworks. Indeed, as national and local governments are running out of public money because of an economic crisis, they may have enforced a set of privatization policies in the housing sector [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome#24. What has been done by each central actor group to overcome which particular obstacles in the way of successfully implementing the intervention? (this may include institutional Work - maintaining, disrupting, and creating new rules, applying to both formal laws/regulations and informal norms and expectations.)|(Q24)]]. Such austerity policies lead to the eviction of working-class dwellers who eventually, could launch resistance against it.  
 
'''What are the actions taken by citizens to resist displacement?'''
 
To resist against the privatization of social housing and evictions, citizens could voice their right to “stay put” and engage in different actions including occupying housing. Opening the dialogue between resistance fighters and public actors may be central to the success of the intervention. For this purpose, the creation of a citizen platform voicing the claim of citizens to the municipality may be quite a crucial tool [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome#13. Which particular interactions among various stakeholders (stakeholder configurations) were crucial in enabling the intervention to emerge successfully? This could include direct or indirect impacts on interventions.|(Q13)]]. Indeed, it could raise awareness among local authorities on the detrimental impacts of privatization policies, and possibly lead to the creation of a set of new policies, including re-housing or the regularization of informal housing [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome#24. What has been done by each central actor group to overcome which particular obstacles in the way of successfully implementing the intervention? (this may include institutional Work - maintaining, disrupting, and creating new rules, applying to both formal laws/regulations and informal norms and expectations.)|(Q24)]].
 
'''What are the challenges in implementing anti-gentrification policies?'''
 
Although a public response would be welcomed, it may not equally benefit residents, depending on their wealth or social status (e.g. migrants), and as a consequence, create dissensus among them. Eventually, community resistance could be undermined. If governmental policies are not consistent i.e. do not equally protect endangered residents, they could reinforce the social problem initially addressed [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome#25. What are reported outcomes of the intervention? This may include economic outcomes, political outcomes, ability to reach sustainability and justice targets, etc.|(Q25)]].  


Although this public response would be welcomed, it may not equally benefit residents and as a consequence, create dissensus among them. Eventually, community resistance could be undermined. If governmental policies are not consistent i.e. do not equally protect endangered residents, they could reinforce the social problem initially addressed.
'''What can we learn from this case?'''


These governance arrangements between citizens and public actors against gentrification aims at being inspirational. The processes it features may be replicated in other urban settings in a similar context i.e. where the public sector is weakened by an economic crisis. Sharing and discussing these processes between community organizations as well as local and national governments from different countries may be quite effective to create some learning about effective tools for resisting gentrification.
These governance arrangements between citizens and public actors against gentrification aims at being inspirational. The processes it features may be replicated in other urban settings in a similar context i.e. where the public sector is weakened by an economic crisis. Sharing and discussing these processes between community organizations and between different local and national governments may be quite helpful to support learning about effective tools for resisting gentrification [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome#31. Suggestions regarding transferability.|(Q31)]].


'''How could this reality be created in your city? What obstacles would have to be overcome?'''
==Do you want to learn more about this scenario?==
==Do you want to learn more about this scenario?==


Take a look at the detailed [[Anti-gentrification resistances case]] that has inspired this scenario.  
Take a look at the detailed description of [[Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome |'''Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome''']] that has inspired this scenario. In Rome, resistance fighters thrive to impeach the displacement of working class dwellers from the city center, a gentrification process which is fostered by pernicious and neoliberal regulations on public housing stock.   
 
This scenario relates to an '''enabling governance arrangement''':
* [[3) Build bridges between separate stakeholder groups|Build bridges between separate stakeholder groups]] - The role of anti-eviction platforms was crucial as they contributed to voice the claim and to represent the interests of evicted/targeted citizens.


This scenario fits under the '''approaches''':
This scenario fits under the '''approaches''':
*[[Reconceptualising urban justice and sustainability| Reconceptualising urban justice and sustainability]]. Alternative conceptual framings are a feature of many and diverse approaches to urban sustainability and/or justice, and in particular their intersections. Arguments in their favour range from the ethical to the instrumental: the moral right of all those living in cities to contribute to shaping their future, to the practical importance of diverse outlooks, ideas and capabilities in working towards sustainability and justice.
*[[Reconceptualising urban justice and sustainability| Reconceptualising urban justice and sustainability]]
*[[Right to housing | Right to housing]]. This approach indicates the right of all individuals to have access to adequate shelter. 
*[[Right to housing | Right to housing]]  


It addresses some '''drivers of injustice''':
It addresses some '''drivers of injustice''':
*[[Uneven and exclusionary urban intensification and regeneration | Uneven and exclusionary urban intensification and regeneration]]. This driver refers to the ways in which new urban developments might force trade-offs between the social and environmental goals of urban sustainability projects. It involves public efforts to improve a neighbourhood’s physical structure and boost its economy by attracting investment, usually in the sectors of real estate and tourism.
*[[Uneven and exclusionary urban intensification and regeneration | Uneven and exclusionary urban intensification and regeneration]]
*[[Material and livelihood inequalities | Material and livelihood inequalities]]. This driver refers to the ways that the underlying distribution of economic resources gets expressed within urban sustainability efforts, reinforcing or exacerbating unjust outcomes.
*[[Material and livelihood inequalities | Material and livelihood inequalities]]
*[[Racialized or ethnically exclusionary urbanization | Racialized or Ethnically Exclusionary Urbanization]]. This driver refers to the ways that historic patterns of segregation, based on race, ethnicity, religion or other identity characteristics, shape the outcomes of urban sustainability efforts.
*[[Racialized or ethnically exclusionary urbanization | Racialized or Ethnically Exclusionary Urbanization]]
*[[Unquestioned Neoliberal growth and austerity urbanism | Unquestioned Neoliberal growth and austerity urbanism]]. This driver refers to processes of privatization, commercialization, budget cuts and state withdrawal from various sectors and how they can undermine urban sustainability, guided by an ideology of unfettered economic growth which often aligns with austerity policies.
*[[Unquestioned Neoliberal growth and austerity urbanism | Unquestioned Neoliberal growth and austerity urbanism]]
*[[Exclusive access to the benefits of sustainability infrastructure | Exclusive access to the benefits of sustainability infrastructure]]. This driver refers to the ways in which territory, identity, education, knowledge, and information are used to draw lines, privileges, and hierarchies between social groups, and especially to how this leads to an uneven distribution of benefits from urban sustainability efforts.
*[[Exclusive access to the benefits of sustainability infrastructure | Exclusive access to the benefits of sustainability infrastructure]]
*[[Weak(ened) civil society | Weak(ened) civil society ]]. This driver refers to the ways in which collective civic groups that share common interests (other than the state, the market, or the family) are either not constituted and impactful enough to influence and benefit from sustainability efforts or are indeed constrained by interventions that carry sustainability objectives.
*[[Weak(ened) civil society | Weak(ened) civil society ]]
 
What do you think about this scenario? Was it helpful to you? Do you find our approach problematic? Send us an email to [[User:Philipp Spaeth|Philipp Spaeth]].

Latest revision as of 16:54, 18 February 2021

This scenario has been developed on the basis of a real world case.

Romepicture.jpg


Imagine your city where residents of limited means could live in affordable social housing located in the city-center and peacefully enjoy their neighborhood for years to come.

How do we get there ?

This intervention may result from the collective engagement of citizens to resist the gentrification process that occurs in many city centers. Especially in a context of economic crisis, new urban development projects led by and attracting wealthy residents and businesses may be carried out at the expense of selling public real estate and privatizing social housing (Q3). Consequently, the social structure of the neighborhood is likely to change and cater toward more affluent people. As a response, (former) residents, especially from working-class or ethnic minority backgrounds, could initiate a resistance to displacement (Q10). Such resistance may grow and become more visible, eventually reaching other actors including community organizations and local public authorities (Q12).

How do governments come (or not) into play in this struggle?

In such an intervention, the role of public authorities is quite central because privatization in the housing sector is often closely related to governmental regulatory frameworks. Indeed, as national and local governments are running out of public money because of an economic crisis, they may have enforced a set of privatization policies in the housing sector (Q24). Such austerity policies lead to the eviction of working-class dwellers who eventually, could launch resistance against it.

What are the actions taken by citizens to resist displacement?

To resist against the privatization of social housing and evictions, citizens could voice their right to “stay put” and engage in different actions including occupying housing. Opening the dialogue between resistance fighters and public actors may be central to the success of the intervention. For this purpose, the creation of a citizen platform voicing the claim of citizens to the municipality may be quite a crucial tool (Q13). Indeed, it could raise awareness among local authorities on the detrimental impacts of privatization policies, and possibly lead to the creation of a set of new policies, including re-housing or the regularization of informal housing (Q24).

What are the challenges in implementing anti-gentrification policies?

Although a public response would be welcomed, it may not equally benefit residents, depending on their wealth or social status (e.g. migrants), and as a consequence, create dissensus among them. Eventually, community resistance could be undermined. If governmental policies are not consistent i.e. do not equally protect endangered residents, they could reinforce the social problem initially addressed (Q25).

What can we learn from this case?

These governance arrangements between citizens and public actors against gentrification aims at being inspirational. The processes it features may be replicated in other urban settings in a similar context i.e. where the public sector is weakened by an economic crisis. Sharing and discussing these processes between community organizations and between different local and national governments may be quite helpful to support learning about effective tools for resisting gentrification (Q31).

How could this reality be created in your city? What obstacles would have to be overcome?

Do you want to learn more about this scenario?

Take a look at the detailed description of Bottom-up resistance against gentrification in Rome that has inspired this scenario. In Rome, resistance fighters thrive to impeach the displacement of working class dwellers from the city center, a gentrification process which is fostered by pernicious and neoliberal regulations on public housing stock.

This scenario relates to an enabling governance arrangement:

This scenario fits under the approaches:

It addresses some drivers of injustice:

What do you think about this scenario? Was it helpful to you? Do you find our approach problematic? Send us an email to Philipp Spaeth.

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